Christmas Greetings

As this will be my last post before 2009, I want to take this opportunity to thank all of my readers for their support over the last year, and to wish you all a very happy Christmas and a brilliant New Year. I hope that 2009 brings you all the happiness, good health, love and friendship that you desire!

I shall be spending Christmas at home with my mum, my daughter and Poppy the dog. And this year I shall also be cooking the Christmas lunch for the first time (mum has always done it before) and I am really looking forward to that. I recently bought the medieval game of Fox and Geese, so I'm sure that'll be coming out of the cupboard, although it may have a hard fight to contend with my daughter's Christmas present - a Wii!


Santa's Little Helper!


The rest of my time will be spent researching for next year's posts, writing my novel, marking my students' assignments (bah humbug!) as well as starting the process of setting up an online business selling beautiful, medievally-inspired objects (more on this at a later date).

As for next year, I have some more fascinating (to me anyway lol) posts planned, including:

• The first judgement on Hugh Despenser

• A review of the recent concert of the Mediaeval Baebes (Illumination Tour) at Gloucester Cathedral and of their latest album

• A discussion on the Despenser War

• The practice of recognizances

• Roger de Mortimer

• Hugh's relationship with Edward

• Hugh's relationship with Isabella

• Tynemouth 1322 (was Isabella really abandoned? Hmmmmm)

But until then, I wish you and yours a peaceful holiday season, and I raise a glass of spiced wine to you all!

The Despenser War 1321, Pt2

Sorry this post is little late - Christmas seems to get in the way of everything, and my research is no exception ;-)

Once the barons realised that Edward was not going to budge an inch on granting them their requests (did they really expect him to?), they put ‘Plan B’ into action. Namely, to attack any properties that belonged to Hugh, his father or any of their supporters. And to make this look as if they were doing it for the sake of the realm, they decided to fight under the royal banner.

The first place to fall was Hugh’s castle at Newport (recently ‘acquired’ from Hugh Audley – see this post for details). Despenser’s great confidence in being able to defend his properties was rather sadly misplaced as castle after castle fell and estate after estate was despoiled. The combined force of the marchers was certainly not one to be sniffed at: according to the Close Rolls it consisted of at least ‘eight hundred men-at-arms, with the king’s banner of his arms displayed, and with five hundred hobelers, and 10,000 footmen’. The keepers of the castles, seeing that no help was forthcoming from their lord or the king, were forced to surrender them. Many of the native Welsh, too, refused to fight for Despenser. In fact around 30,000 of them (according to the Vita – but this figure sounds suspiciously like an exaggeration) went to the barons and pleaded that they be spared, saying: 'give up your displeasure towards us; we have never liked Hugh Despenser's lordship; we are all prepared to obey your orders'. They then swore on the Holy Gospels that they renounced Despenser’s lordship over them but would still stay loyal to the king ‘in all things’.

It is important not to make too much of this desertion however. The Welsh weren’t too keen on having to pay homage to any English lord, no matter who he was. He represented the oppressive invader; he was the man who took their money as taxes and punished them if they broke the (English) law. And whether or not Despenser was hated more than any other lord (and a possible reason for this would have been his treatment of Llywelyn Bren), you just have to consider the stark choice the tenants had to make when faced with an army of hostile and violent men. Did they want to claim loyalty to an overlord that they had no real connection to and suffer the consequences? No, of course they didn’t: life was tough enough already.

The Close Rolls have a slightly different take on things:

they [the marcher barons] stayed there in his lands for five days in order to destroy the lands completely, within which time they made by force all the greater part of all the country swear to be of their accord, and they imprisoned and held to ransom those who refused, and burnt their houses and goods, of his peers or by the law of the land.

In Wales alone, ten of Despenser’s castles were taken and despoiled, among them Newport, Cardiff and Caerphilly. As for his manors, 23 were destroyed in the attacks and all of Hugh’s goods and chattels taken as spoil. His livestock (and presumably those of his tenants) were also taken, as were his horses and wagons. Woods were felled and crops either carried away or destroyed. They also demanded rents from the tenants, probably seeing the money as due to go to Despenser, and therefore now defaulting to them. And wherever they could find them, they also burned Hugh’s charters, remembrances and muniments. In a nutshell, his Welsh lands were devastated.

There were also, of course, deaths. Not everyone surrendered to the barons. Hugh Despenser the younger’s men: Sir John Iwayn, Philip le Keu and Matthew de Gorges were summarily executed for defending Despenser property and several Welshmen were also either killed or maimed. Others, including Ralph de Gorges (the new Justiciar of Ireland), Sir Philip Joce, Sir John de Fresyngfeld, Sir John de Donestaple and William de Donestaple were imprisoned for holding firm to their loyalty to Hugh. Even those who tried to remain neutral in the dispute did not escape the general violence: John Cromwell was a Marcher landowner but did not join them in their fighting. For this his lands were also attacked and despoiled.

Nearly two weeks after it began, Despenser decided it was in his best interests to surrender his lands into the king’s hands. The reasoning behind this was probably that if the Marchers really stood for the king and realm’s best interests, then they would hardly attack his property. Actually, this was not the case, as several Welsh royal castles were targeted too. In late May/early June, there are also several references to protection being granted to Hugh and some of his supporters to travel ‘beyond the sea on the king’s business’. The trip never happened as the grant was later cancelled, but it seems to infer that Edward was seriously thinking of sending Hugh (but interestingly not his father) abroad for his own safety.

Edward also called a meeting of his counsellors in order to find a way to stop the Marchers’ destruction. It seems, however, as if his own advisors were split over what to do. Some demanded that the rebels’ own castles should be seized and destroyed in a ‘tit for tat’ measure. Others, however, advised caution, saying that such an action would pitch all of England into a bloody civil war from which would be the ruin of the kingdom.

With the Welsh lands of Despenser and his allies lying in ruins, the Marchers returned north to meet with Lancaster at Sherburn to draw up an indenture justifying their actions against the Despensers, a document they intended forcing upon Edward at the next Parliament on 15th July at Westminster. They then began their journey south, still armed, dressed in the Marcher cause livery and displaying the royal banner. On the way, the army turned its attentions to the English estates of both Despensers, father and son, and the lands of any who were regarded as relatives or supporters. Once again, manors were overrun and robbed of all that was valuable before being destroyed.

One can only imagine the terror of the servants and tenants of these manors as the Marcher mob descended upon them with the stark choice of either submit or die. Around 67 manors of the elder Hugh were despoiled in this way, and they even entered the abbey at Stanleye to take possession of the money and charters that he had stored there. The whole operation must have been planned to the finest detail due to the number of manors attacked, and their varying locations, as well as the disposal of the goods carried off. But of course the army was led by men, like the Mortimers and de Bohun, who were experienced soldiers and extremely capable tacticians. Edward and Hugh could not have come up against more dangerous opponents.

And as if the crisis wasn’t bad enough already, royal morale suffered another blow when Bartholomew Badlesmere, Edward’s steward, deserted to the Marcher cause. In some ways this should not have been surprising as he was connected to Roger Mortimer of Wigmore by marriage (Mortimer’s son had married Badlesmere’s daughter); he may also have had some resentment against Despenser’s influence with the king. However, this turned out to be a move that would, in the course of time, be of benefit to Edward and a completey fatal error for Badlesmere: Lancaster loathed him for some reason, and his inclusion into the Marcher ranks served only to create the opportunity for future divisions.

The Marcher army finally arrived at the gates of London on the 29th July, two weeks late for the start of the Parliament. Because they had come armed and with banners unfurled, the king refused to meet with them and the rebels consequently set up a sort of siege to the City, holding all of the gates to prevent Edward from sneaking away (although I’m sure he could have left by boat if he’d really wanted to). At this point there seemed to be little that could be done except to try and open some sort of negotiations. Edward sent those earls still loyal to him: Pembroke, Richmond, Surrey and Arundel to talk with the Marcher leaders at Clerkenwell. In return, the Marchers sent two knights with demands for both Despensers to be removed from power and exiled.

For a while it appeared that neither side would move from their position and the country stood poised on the brink of disaster. Edward held his position while the rebels threatened to burn London and depose him. By this point, it looks as though Hugh had retreated to a safer distance (according to the Pauline Annalist), sailing just off the coast of Gravesend by day and visiting the king at night. However the Marchers had gained a rather unlikely ally: during the time he spent talking to them, it appears that the earl of Pembroke was swayed by their arguments. He now sought to persuade the king to give in to their demands. According to the Vita, the words he is supposed to have uttered are:

‘Consider, lord king'’, he said, ‘the power of the barons; pay heed to the looming danger; neither brother nor sister should be dearer to you than yourself. Do not therefore for any living soul lose your kingdom. He perishes on the rocks who loves another more than himself. Let not the lord king say, to his own dishonour, that this business was begun by the barons; but, since it is for the good of the people that the country be rid of wicked men, and to this [public good], lord king, you swore an oath at your coronation, if therefore you will listen to the barons you will be able to reign in power and glory; but if not, and you turn away from their petitions [and] from ours, you may perhaps because of that lose the kingdom and all of us. For we are sworn allies, and we cannot oppose our peers.’

Even this fine speech did not move Edward. What finally did was a little more dramatic. His queen, Isabella, begged him on her knees to agree to the barons’ demands and exile the Despensers. There could have been no greater gesture than that sacrifice of royal dignity and Edward was finally forced to agree. It must have been obvious even to him by that point that there was no way out. On the 14th August, he consented publicly to his friends’ exile and on the 18th, public judgement was given against them in his presence.

Sources:
Calendar of Close Rolls
Calendar of Patent Rolls
The Despenser War in Glamorgan, J. Conway Davies
Vita Edwardi Secundi, edited and translated by Wendy R. Childs
The Itinerary of Edward II and his Household, Elizabeth M. Hallam
‘The Despenser War’, unpublished chapter of Edward II biography, Alianore

The Despenser War 1321, Part 1

Gower may not have been the cause of the Despenser war, but it was certainly a factor. Hugh Despenser’s overweening greed, ruthlessness and influence over the king constituted a serious threat to the lands and position of many of the magnates of the Welsh marches. Added to this were more personal reasons, such as jealousy and bad blood. It was a potent mix of elements that, together, sowed the seeds of rebellion against Edward’s favourite, and therefore, by association, Edward himself.

By the Christmas of 1320, the Marcher barons had left the royal court, unable to tolerate Despenser’s accusations of treason against them for their complaints over the Gower incident. However, it seems that they did not all leave as one accord. Even as late as January 1321, Roger Damory, the king’s prior favourite, was granted royal permission to hunt in the forests of Clarendon and Hampton. It is doubtful though, that he was able to make much use of the privilege

Edward was not blind to what was happening, but he seemed to think that they would soon come to heel. On January 30th, he issued an edict to the earl of Hereford and the other barons forbidding them to make assemblies. Maybe he really thought that they would heed him and meekly come to heel, or maybe he was just playing for time. Either way, it seems that they ignored his order and decided to get together anyway. Speaking of this, the Vita says that they met in Wales and ‘they unanimously decided that Hugh Despenser must be pursued, laid low, and utterly destroyed.’

On February 27th, Edward received a letter, warning him that Thomas, the Earl of Lancaster had met with the barons and that they had already formed a plan whereby they would bring disturbances to the Welsh marches. Lancaster proved a willing ally and figurehead for the barons. He hated the influence of the Despensers and for some time there had been bad blood between him and Hugh snr.: ‘for it was the wish of the earl of Lancaster that they should not only rise against the son, but destroy the father along with the son’. There was also a certain amount of animosity and jealousy towards his cousin, the king; he must have therefore relished the opportunity to make more trouble for him while at the same time being seen to uphold the constitution of the Ordinances.

Meanwhile, Despenser had not been idly sitting back and expecting Edward to solve the situation, although it appears that he didn’t take the threat too seriously at this point. He was more concerned with continuing to make money, as a letter sent to John Inge, his sheriff in Glamorgan on 18th January shows: 'We command you to watch our affairs that we may be rich and may attain our ends…’ At least he wasn’t coy about his ambitions!

By the end of February it must have become obvious to both Edward and Hugh that the situation was more serious than they had first thought. The list of names of barons in opposition to them, although not all inclusive, was certainly impressive: both of the Mortimers; Humphrey de Bohun; Roger Damory; Hugh Audley; John Mowbray; Roger Clifford; John Giffard; John Hastings of Abergavenny; Thomas of Lancaster; Maurice Berkeley snr. and his sons Maurice Berkeley junior and Thomas Berkeley; his son-in-law John Maltravers and John Charlton (Edward’s former chamberlain).

Edward had already dismissed Roger Mortimer of Chirk as Justiciar of Wales and replacing him with Ralph Gorges – one of Despenser’s men, and taken any royal castles out of the hands of any rebel keepers. Now he decided that it was time he displayed a greater physical presence. On March 1st, he and his household left London on a slow progress to Gloucester on the Welsh border, finally arriving there on March 27th. He also sent Roger de Wodehouse to Wales to oversee the provisioning and garrisoning of the royal Welsh castles.

Despenser, too, started to prepare his castles for war, conducting a constant flow of correspondence with Inge. In one letter, his words sum up the situation neatly:

we are informed by several of our friends that all this plotting on the part of certain magnates is planned to begin and to do damage to us in our said lordship, in order to cover themselves that this is not done against the king, and with the intent that he shall interfere in the matter, and thereby take sides. We therefore rely upon you to take all the necessary steps to safeguard us, for we have sufficient power, if we are well arrayed and carefully served, to guard against our enemies, and it cannot be, when tales are growing daily, that there is nothing in them.

And later:

And if you think it necessary that we send men-at-arms for the garrisons of our castles, if you will inform us speedily, we will send some of the king’s men and our own, as many as shall be necessary.

From the last statement it is clear just how close Hugh was to the king – that he could assume to promise royal assistance as if it were from his own orders.

Edward arrived in Gloucester on the 27th and sent letters to the rebellious barons (as well as Despenser, just to be fair) basically ordering them not to hold any assemblies or otherwise to commit any breaches of the peace. Then, on the 28th, he ordered the barons to attend on him at Gloucester. Predictably, they did not come, an open act of defiance. However Hereford and Mortimer did send messengers saying that they were too frightened for their lives to attend if Despenser was present.

A short time later, they sent the abbot of Dore to Edward with a proposal: that Despenser be handed over into Lancaster’s custody, his safety guaranteed by themselves, under pain of forfeiture. Despenser would then be brought to Parliament so that he could answer their charges against him. To Edward this must have felt like a case of déjà vu. After all, Gaveston’s safety in custody had also once been guaranteed in a similar manner, and that had not stopped his abduction and murder at the hands of the earls of Warwick and Lancaster. He was hardly likely then, to agree to another favourite going the same way.

But for once, Edward had the law on his side and he used it to good effect (probably with a great deal of help from Hugh who couldn’t have been too keen on ending up in Lancaster’s hands either). Edward replied that to place Despenser into custody in such a manner would contravene Magna Carta, his coronation oath and the Ordinances, as he had been appointed chamberlain by the agreement of all the earls, including Hereford and Mortimer. As for answering the barons’ complaints in Parliament, Despenser was quite willing to do so without being placed under arrest.

Having won the first argument, both Edward and Hugh seemed now to become over-confident in their abilities to defeat the barons. Hugh wrote to Inge about Audley, telling him to ‘not doubt that neither he nor any of his allies have the power to hurt any one of us.’ And on 10th April, Edward wrote a letter to the constable of Tickhill castle that ‘all things go peaceably and well at our wish’. Feeling that the situation had been resolved to their advantage, the king and Hugh left Gloucester on 16th April and returned, via Bristol and Devizes, to Westminster to be reunited again with Isabella.

But all was not quiet on the western front. Even before the king had reached Westminster, on the 4th May, the marcher barons, having now exhausted all diplomatic means, decided to resort to violence. Taking up arms, they set their sights on their first target: Hugh Despenser’s castle at Newport.

Sources:
Calendar of Close Rolls
Calendar of Patent Rolls
'The Despenser War in Glamorgan', J. Conway Davies, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Third series, Volume 9
Vita Edwardi Secundi, edited and translated by Wendy R. Childs
The Itinerary of Edward II and his Household, Elizabeth M. Hallam
‘The Despenser War’, unpublished chapter of Edward II biography, Alianore

A Dodgy Week and a Quick Visit to Berkeley Castle

Oh, what a week!

Apologies for a late early-week post but it has been one small crisis after another.

First, my daughter's hamster died, then she managed to lose her mobile phone and keys - all of which were quite a big deal to a 13 year old.

Then my boiler broke down, leaving me without heating and hot water on the coldest day of the year (so far), and unable to do anything on my computer as it was in the sun-lounge (how ironic) - the coldest room in the house!

Then yesterday I went into town to have my hair coloured and cut as usual: my stylist was ill, so I could only have it coloured. And then, because they were so short staffed, I ended up having the longest blow-dry ever (about an hour), because the girl was also doing someone else's colour. So the colour's great - I just can't see out through my fringe!

Then this morning when I got up my dog couldn't walk properly and also was sick on my bed. I managed to get her an emergency appointment at the vets by which time (wouldn't you just know it) she seemed OK. Thankfully it looks like she's just pulled a muscle or trapped a nerve in her back - which means no walkies for the next few days and then only gentle exercise for the next couple of weeks. But, of course, it does mean that I now have to take the duvet to the dry-cleaners!

Nevertheless, I'm still smiling. At least Poppy's OK and nothing else was a matter of life or death - so I can't really complain.

I went to a superbly nice event the other night: a tour of Berkeley Castle by candlelight (well, mostly) and big open fires. Those who know me know that I have a really really big thing about candle-light and wood-fires (along with the accompanying wood-smoke. It really brings out the romantic in me.

However, I really don't think that the organisers were expecting so many people. When we got there the car-park was full and we had to park in the town and walk up the (unlit) drive to the castle. And then we had to queue in the perishing cold for about 15 minutes to get in. But it was all worth it. Even with the crush of people, the place had tremendous atmosphere. Some rooms, especially the morning room (which used to be the old Norman chapel) were really something special to behold - I would have loved to have stayed in there all night on my own.

There were a few things I had to raise my eyebrows at though. One was a room full of deep sinks, a boiler, scrubbing boards and a mangle - obviously a laundry. Why, oh why then was it labelled the buttery?! See this post for an explanation of household divisions. The other downer was not being allowed to take photos, although my mum managed to smuggle a few and I'll put them together with this post as soon as I get them. Some of the staff were also very overly-officious and you almost felt that they'd have preferred if if no-one had turned up at all.

But they were only small grumbles. The whole thing was rounded off really nicely by school-children singing carols in the Great Hall. All in all, a lovely event, but it will need better organisation in the future if it continues growing in popularity. Perhaps they could do with the organisation skills of a Despenser! ;-)

The Troublesome Marcher Barons

Early in 1321, Hugh Despenser suddenly found himself facing a rather disgruntled (to say the least) opposition to his position, both at the king’s side and also as a landowner in the Welsh marches. Some of them were antagonistic due to land issues – such as Giffard and Mowbray, others were jealous of the hold that Hugh had over Edward – often to their disadvantage or were concerned that he was making a mockery of the Ordinances.

The trouble was, Hugh was so close to the king, that to attack him was, in essence, an attack on Edward himself. As with Piers Gaveston, Despenser’s position seemed unassailable – and there was certainly no chance of him being removed any time soon by negotiation, especially as Hugh had control of who could speak to the king in the first place. The grievances, therefore, were real and mostly valid, but that did not mean that there was some sort of all-out coalition of English nobility against Hugh and Edward, as some historians have suggested. In fact, the rebellion started and ended in the Welsh Marches – and even then not all of the marcher barons (such as Henry of Lancaster, the earl of Pembroke) participated. That is not to say they were thrilled about the Despenser regime – they weren’t. But they decided at this point to step aside from conflict and wait and see what happened.

The barons who were involved were a pretty mixed bunch – but all came from established marcher families. These lords had always been a rebellious bunch and Edward certainly wasn’t the first king to have problems with them. These families, raised as they were, in a turbulent area, nearly always at war, were tough, proud and liable to take to arms at the slightest hint of an insult to their honour. It was bad enough that they had to suffer Despenser, who was from a non-Marcher family, having lands close to theirs, but the fact that he seemed predatory towards them was enough to light the blue touch paper.

Below is a set of small bios of the main marcher lords involved – just so as you know who was who in the posts to come.

Roger Mortimer of Wigmore
Yes - that Roger Mortimer – he who later on absconded from the Tower to France, committed adultery with Queen Isabella, invaded England, executed Despenser and deposed Edward II. However, this is a very small bio as I will do a bigger post on him at a later date!

Born in 1287, Roger Mortimer came into his inheritance in 1306, after he had been knighted at the Feast of the Swans. The Mortimers already had an on-going blood-feud with the Despensers, as his grandfather had killed Hugh’s grandfather at the Battle of Evesham in 1265 According to the Vita, Hugh had sworn to kill Roger in revenge. So, even before the problems in the March began, it was unlikely that Mortimer would be found supporting Despenser at court.

Mortimer’s early career showed great loyalty to Edward, although most of it was spent in Ireland as Justiciar. There he proved himself as a very capable soldier and leader, quelling rebellious families and instigating the rule of law. He returned to England frequently – both on his own and the king’s business. He went to Gascony on Edward’s behalf in 1313 and in 1316 took part in suppressing Llywelyn Bren’s revolt in Wales, being one of those who took his surrender. He also made sure that his estates in England continued to support both his and his children’s future, making marriages wherever appropriate (e.g. he wed his son and heir, Edmund, to the Elizabeth, the daughter of Bartholomew de Badlesmere).

In 1318, Mortimer returned to England and took part in the negotiations between the king and Thomas of Lancaster that led to the Treaty of Leake. At this point, although a royalist, he seems to have been trusted by all sides and was appointed to the council of 16 appointed to counsel the king on matters of state. He was also part of the commission set up to reform the royal household. In 1319 he was reappointed Justiciar of Ireland and set out a policy of reconciliation with the Irish, being given the power to accept anyone into English law, and to give pardons where he thought fit.

In 1320 he returned to England once more, this time to find the Despensers holding the reigns of power –something which must have struck fear into him. He tried to talk to Edward about the unrest that was growing about the situation, but didn’t get anywhere. In fact, worse than that, Edward removed him from his office in Ireland, a humiliation that surely drove him into the ranks of the dissenters. But, as I mentioned in the previous post, what really lit the fuse was the issue of Gower. Mortimer was one of those who put in an offer for the land, and must have seen Despenser’s actions as the last straw. By 1321 he was willing to forgo his previous loyalty to the crown and take up arms against the man who was his sworn enemy.


Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford
Born around 1276, de Bohun succeeded his father in 1298 both as the earl of Hereford and also as constable of England. Throughout his life he had a stormy relationship with the crown – being initially loyal to Edward, but then hostile on the issue of Gaveston’s position as favourite. He became a leading Ordainer after 1310, along with Warwick and Lancaster and because of this refused to attend the king in Scotland during the campaign of 1310/11. His hatred of Gaveston led him to become one of those responsible for his capture and execution in 1313.

Reconciliation with Edward followed peace negotiations and in the following year he fought alongside Edward at Bannockburn. According to the Vita, de Bohun quarreled with Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucester over who should have charge of the vanguard. This quarrel was one of the factors that led to de Clare’s reckless rush into battle and his subsequent death. De Bohun, himself, was captured by the Scots but was later released in exchange for Elizabeth de Burgh, Robert Bruce’s wife.

In 1316, he was one of the lords that took the surrender of Llywelyn Bren in Glamorgan. He seems to have been particularly well-disposed towards the Welshman for he intervened for him with Edward and managed to get a death sentence overturned into one of imprisonment. Despenser’s ‘abduction’’ of Bren from the Tower to Cardiff in 1317 and subsequent execution, angered him greatly but to no avail. Admirably, he did what he could for Bren’s family, taking his wife and sons in at his own expense.

Although de Bohun was now on friendly terms with Edward and frequently at court, he must have watched the growing influence of the Despensers with a sense of foreboding. It must have seemed like the Gaveston affair all over again, except that this time the enemy was one with not only shrewd political intelligence but also a pathological desire for land, especially in south Wales, close to his own.

Roger Mortimer of Chirk
The uncle of Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, Mortimer of Chirk was born around 1256 and worked his way up to becoming Justiciar of Wales. A loyal royalist for most of his life, he had served both Edward I and now Edward II. He had a reputation as a violent and domineering man, especially towards his Welsh tenants. He was a womaniser and was at one point accused of committing adultery with the wife of Robert of Radnor. When a priest was sent to complain to him in person, the unfortunate cleric was thrown into the deepest prison cell in the castle. Even more seriously, it was rumoured that he had murdered two young boys – the heirs of the lord of north Powys – who were in his care. No-one knows exactly what happened to them, but it is certainly suspicious that very soon after their disappearance, Mortimer was granted their lands.

Despite these stains on his character, it seems that he was, until the Despenser wars, valued by Edward II at court for his advice and experience. He was extremely close to his nephew, both in territory and in politics and they tended to act as one unit – both administratively and militarily. It is quite possible that the younger Roger grew up in his uncle’s care (until his wardship was given to Gaveston) and may have seen the older man as a father figure.

Apart from the Gower affair (he also put in an offer to buy it from William de Braose), and the family feud connection as mentioned above, he does not seem to have had any other dealings with the Despensers. But his loyalty to his nephew meant that he was never going to take any other side than his in the coming conflict.

Roger Damory
Born in about 1284, Damory rose from an obscure background to become a knight of the royal household and one of Edward II’s favourites, showered with grants of land, gifts and wardships. In 1317 he received what was perhaps the ultimate reward – marriage to Elizabeth de Clare, Edward’s niece and co-heiress to the estates of the deceased earl of Gloucester. By November 1317, the partition of lands was confirmed and Damory received his share of lands in England and in Wales, making him one of the leading magnates and a man of position.

Together with Hugh Audley (see below) who had married another co-heiress, Margaret, and William Montague, he became part of a group of court favourites who were detested by Thomas, earl of Lancaster. But of all of them, Roger was the most avaricious and in 1317, the earl of Pembroke and Bartholomew Badlesmere forced upon him a written undertaking that he would not profit from the king’s generosity.

Hugh Despenser’s rise into Edward’s affection during 1318 put Damory’s position under threat. Not only was he no longer at the centre of court life but Despenser, his brother-in-law, also posed a threat to his lands in south Wales. Unlike Audley, he managed to hold onto them, but it was clear that unless he took action against the new favourite, he was in danger of falling back into the obscurity from which he had risen. Luckily, by this time, he and Lancaster had been reconciled and so Damory happily joined the ranks of those willing to lay the Despenser lands to waste.

Hugh Audley
The second son of a minor baron with lands in Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire, Hugh Audley junior (b. circa 1291) was probably introduced to the court by his father (Hugh Audley snr). He became a knight of Edward’s household in 1311 but rapidly became part of a central group of favourites consisting of Roger Damory and William Montague. His loyalty and service to Edward resulted in a number of gifts of lands and, like Damory in 1317, he married one of the de Clare co-heiresses, Margaret ( the widow of Piers Gaveston).

Not as prominent or grasping as Damory, Audley proved to be one of Despenser’s first victims in the March, losing his lands in Gwynllwg to him. Like Damory, Audley had been involved in a feud with Lancaster during the middle years of the decade, but now, like his friend, he was reconciled with the earl. Intending on reclaiming his lands in south Wales, if nothing else, he joined forces with the Marcher rebels intending to cast Despenser down from his high and mighty position.

Thomas, earl of Lancaster
Although the figurehead and facilitator of the Marcher rebellion, Lancaster did not do much actual fighting or despoiling. Although he was in favour of the action against the Despensers, he couldn’t persuade his northern Marcher lords to join him as they considered, rightly, that the argument had nothing to do with them whatsoever.

The first part of my biography of Thomas of Lancaster can be found here.

Sources:
The Greatest Traitor, Ian Mortimer
The Baronial Opposition to Edward II, J.C. Davies
The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,
Vita Edwardi Secundi, re-edited and revised by Wendy T. Childs

Ludlow Medieval Fair and More Book Cover Spoofs!

On Saturday, I hopped into the car with the family and drove for an hour and a half up to Ludlow for the annual Medieval Fair (actually, it was just over an hour and a half thanks to a guided tour of the countryside thanks to my SatNav!). The weather was cold enough to freeze the nuts off a brass monkey and I'd only had five hours sleep. (This bit is to make you realise just how dedicated I am to all things medieval).

Anyway, after finally getting through Ludlow itself we managed to find a sort of car park. I say sort of because I think it was actually a building site that the entrepreneurial workers had decided to convert for the day in order to make a bit of extra Xmas cash. And at £4 a car, I'm sure they are going to have the biggest turkeys around!

The fair was held in the grounds of Ludlow Castle - the stronghold of Roger de Mortimer, Hugh Despenser's nemesis. There, I met up with my daughter and her dad - yes, my faithful old re-enactment group Plantagenet were there - and we did a quick walk around before retiring to the re-enactors' marquee. I say, gratefully, because at this point my hands had turned blue and I couldn't feel my legs. After thawing out a bit, I left the dog at the tent with Ellie and then mum and I went to explore the stalls a bit more. Thankfully, most of them were in the largest marquee I have ever been in.





There were more craft stalls at this event, and less re-enactors stalls than at Tewkesbury Medieval Fair. I found that a bit disappointing although I shouldn't really have been surprised as this was more for people to buy Chrissie pressies - and not many people, I suspect, would have a ballock dagger on their Christmas list! It was also very crowded (probably due to it being under cover rather than spread out over a field) so that at times it was difficult to see what was being sold.





I had taken lots of cash with me in the anticipation of finding "shiny new things", i.e. irresistible goodies that desperately needed a home - MY home. But, apart from buying a yummy Roast Hog Roll, my cash remained untouched - I just did not see anything that needed to be bought. Despite the crowds swarming around the stalls, I didn't see many other people buying either (with the exceptions of the food and alcohol stalls!). Maybe it was the cold keeping hands warm in pockets, but it certainly did not seem a profitable day for the traders.

In the end, the cold won and I left after about and hour and a half - desperate to get back to the heater in my car. Even then, it took me a good five minutes or so before I was thawed enough to drive. Even the dog wanted to go home. We never got the chance to view the castle, but it certainly looked beautiful - even with all the portaloos and signs surrounding it. I shall definitely go back to see it when the weather is warmer and the stalls have all gone, enemy territory or no.

Secondly... continuing the latest thing sweeping our little corner of Blogland (see also Alianore, Gabriele and Susan - who started it!), I also succumbed to the "Dummiez Book Cover Maker 2008". Maybe there should have been a stall at Ludlow selling these alternate history books: